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PROPOSED ANNEXATION OF HAWAII. 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. CHARLES L. HENRY, 



OF INDIANA. 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIYES, 



Monday, June 13, 1898. 



TVASIII]>fGTON". 

1898. 









f5 

5^ 



68129 












SPEECH 

OF 

HON. CHAELES L. HENEY, 



The Hoiiso Laving under consideration the joint resolution (H. Res. .?a9) to 
provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United'States— 

Mr. HENRY of Indiana said: 

Mr. Speaker: We are gravely told tliat the proposition pre- 
sented by the resolution for the annexation of Hawaii is the com- 
mencement of a new policy of the United States for the acquisition 
of colonial territory. It is said that following this will come the 
annexation of the Philippine Islands, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, and 
that finally the nation will so extend her boundaries that it will 
fall by reason of the fact that so many diverse nationalities are 
brought under the flag that our republican form of government 
can not ijcssibly be maintained. All this sounds like an echo 
from the past. 

The prophets of evil who so loudly declaim upon the disasters 
and woes which are to come if we pass these resolutions are but 
the lineal successors of those who told the people of this country 
in former years, when annexations of territory were being dis- 
cussed, that evil and destruction must surely follow. Men even 
stood lip and solemnly declared that any such annexation as that 
of Florida or Louisiana would be sufficient cause for severance 
of the bonds of union between the States. 

It would be profitable, if time would permit, to call to mind in 
detail the various objections that have been urged in the years 
past to each and every proposition of annexation which has been 
before the American people. Not one argument has been ad- 
vanced in the course of this debate against the annexation of Ha- 
waii that was not made when former annexations of territory 
were under consideration. Grave statesmen then, as now, iu- 
3467 3 



sisted that the boiiiularies of the United States should not be ex- 
tended, that compactness of territorj^ was necessarj', that it woukl 
not do to annex any teiritory where the inhabitants were not 
homogeneous and suited to American citizenship, that to com- 
mence the extension of our boundai'ies meant aggrandizement and 
would surely weaken the bonds of our Union. 

A caref 111 perusal of the history of the past will soon satisfy any- 
one that in the opposition to this resolution nothing new has been 
developed. To assert and reassert that the action jDroposed is a 
departure from the traditions of the fathers is no argument. 
Look, if you please, at the small territory covered originally by 
the thirteen colonies and compare it with the vast extent of terri- 
tory now embraced within the boundaries of the United States. 
Remember that the original small territory has grown to the pres- 
ent vast expanse by no other means whatever than annexation. 

Remember that Florida was annexed by purchase from Spain; 
that Louisiana, with the great Northv/est, was secured in like 
manner from France; that a vast exjianse of territory came to us 
by conquest from Mexico; that Texas was admitted into the sister- 
hood of States after she had secured her independence from Mex- 
ico; that icebound Alaska was ceded to us by Russia, and that in 
each and every case the people of the United States were told that 
it was unconstitutional and would prove ruinous to the country. 

It has been well said that our territory to-day is smaller in com- 
parison with the population than it was a half century ago. The 
territory now proposed to be annexed by these resolutions is in- 
deed very small in extent, but its position makes it very impor- 
tant to the United States. So important has it always been con- 
sidered, from the time it was first brought to the attention of the 
American people, more than half a century ago, that at no time 
since then has it been thought possible that this nation would al- 
low these islands to drift into the hands of any foreign nation. 

It is remarkable as well as interesting that a close study of tho 
history of the last fifty years will not disclose a single line or a 
single word from any of the Presidents of the United States or 
the Secretaries of State upon this subject, that looks for one mo- 
ment with favor upon the idea that any foreign nation should be 
allowed to control these islands in the Pacific Ocean, which Ave 



now px'opose to annex, am.l yet, Mr. Speaker, during the course of 
tills debate it has been asserted over and over again that this 
policy is a new one, and that it is bat the comniencement of a 
proposed colonial policy. Gentlemen who make these statements 
have closed their eyes to the history of their country. 

Allov\' me to call your attention to some of the expressions of 
Presidents and their Secretaries of State. In 1842 Daniel Web- 
ster, as Secretary of State under President Tyler, said: 

The United States * * * are more interested, in the fate of the islands 
and of their Government than any other nation can be, and this considera- 
tion induces the President to be quite willing to declare, as the sense of the 
Government of the United States, that the Government of the Sandwich 
Islands ought to be respected; that no power ought either to take possession 
of the islands as a conquest or for the puri>oso of colonization, and that no 
power ought to seek for any undue control over the existing Government, 
or any exclusive privileges or preferences in matters of commerce. 

In 1843 Secretary of State Legare, in a dispatch to Edward Ev- 
erett, minister at London, said: 

It is well known that * * * we have no wish to plant or to acquire col- 
onies abroad. Yet there is something so entirely peculiar in the relations 
between this little commonwealth, Hawaii, and ourselves that we might even 
feel justified, consistently with our own principles, in interfering by force 
to prevent its falling into the hands of one of the great powers of Europe. 

In 1843 James Buchanan, in a dispatch to our minister at Hono- 
lulu, said: 

We ardently desire that the Hawaiian Islands may maintain their inde- 
pendence. It would be highly injurious to our interests if, tempted by their 
weakness, they should bo seized by Great Britain or France; more especially 
so since our recent acquisitions from Mexico on the Pacific Ocean. 

In 1850 Secretary of State Clayton, in a dispatch to our minister 

at Paris, said: 

If, however, in your judgment it should be warranted by circumstances, 
you may take a proper opportunity to intimate to the minister for foreign 
affairs of France that the situation of the Sandwich Islands, in respect to our 
possessions on the Pacific, and the bonds commercial and of other descriptions 
between them and the United States are such that we could never, with in- 
difference, allow them to pass under the dominion or exclusive control of any 
other power. 

In 1854 Secretary of State Marcy. in his special instructions to 

our minister at Honolulu, said: 

In your general instructions you were furnished with the views of this 
Government in regard to any change in the political affaii-s of the Sandwich 
Islands. The President was aware, when those instructions were prepared, 
that the question of transferring the sovereignty of those islands to the 
United States had been raised and favorably received by many influential 
individuals residing therein. It was foreseen that at some period, not f.ar 
34ftT 



distant, such a change would take place, and that the Hawaiian Islands would 
come under the protectorate of or be transferred to some foreign power. 

Yon were informed that it was not the policy of the United States to ac- 
celerate such a change; but if, in the course of events, it became unavoidable, 
this Government would much prefer to acquire the sovereignty of these 
islands for the United States rather than to see it transferred to any other 
power. If any foreign connection is to be formed, the geographical position 
of these islands indicates that it should be with us. Our commerce with them 
far exceeds that of all other countries; our citizens are embarked in the most 
important business concerns of that country, and some of them hold im 
portant piiblic positions. In view of the large American interests there es- 
tablished and the intimate commercial relations existing at this time, it 
might be well regarded as ttie duty of this Government to prevent these 
islands from becoming the appendage of any other foreign power. 

Allow me to call the attention of gentlemen who claim that the 
annexation of HaAvaii is a new proposition to the words of Secre- 
tar}' Marcy in these instructions: He clearly sets out that the 
Hawaiian Islands can not long remain a separate power and that 
the United States would much prefer to annex them, rather than 
to see them transferred to any other power. This statement was 
gravely made in an official communication fortj--four j-ears ago. 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri. Will it disturb my friend to ask him 
one question? 

Mr. HENRY of Indiana. I think not. 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri. Do you know the purpose William L. 
Marcy had in the annexation of the Sandwich Islands was to in- 
crease the slave territory of the United States? Was not that the 
whole thing they were after? 

Mr. HENRY of Indiana. I think that was not the whole thing 
they wanted, but that he contemplated if they were annexed they 
would become slave territory. 

But, Mr. Speaker, the annexation of slave territory to the United 
States is no longer a bugaboo to the people of this country. That 
question is settled, settled by the war, now more than a quarter 
of a century past. Moreover, if Mr. Marcy "s opinion was the 
only one favoring annexation there would be some force in the 
suggestion of the gentleman trom Missouri; but let us look fur- 
ther and see what others have said on the subject. After the close 
of tlie civil war, and slavery had been abolished, that great Secre- 
tary of State, William H. Seward, in a communication to our 
minister at Honolulu, said: 

Second. You will be governed in all your proceedings by a proper respect 
and courtesy to the Government and people of the Sandwich Islands; but it 
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7 

i3 proper that you should know, for your own information, that a lawful and 
peaceful annexation of the islands to tho United States, with the consent of tho 
people of the Sand wich Islands, is deemed desirable by this Government; and 
that if the policy of annexation should really conflict with tho policy of reci- 
procity, annexation is in every case to be preferred. 

In 1888, ditriiii? the first Democratic Admiuistration after tlie 

close of the war, Thomas F. Bayard, then Secretary of State, said 

in referring to the reciprocity treaty negotiated in 187.j: 

It was my idea that the policy originating in the Fish treaty of the Grant 
Administration in 1875 should be permitted to work out its proper results. 
The obvious courso was to wait quietly and patiently and let the islands fill 
up with American planters and American industries until they should ba 
wholly identified in business interests and political sympathies with the 
United States. It was simply a matter of waiting until the apple should 
ripm and fall. 

Mr. Speaker, I might give many more quotations of the same 
character, but I will content myself with these, which cover more 
than half a century, and show that the Secretaries of State during 
all that time have advocated and looked forward to the annexa- 
tion of these islands. And now, Mr. Speaker, in the language of 
Mr. Bayard, "the apple has ripened and has fallen," and the 
American people propose to take it up and put it in the basket. 

Mr. GAINES. We do not want sour apples. 

Mr. HENRY of Indiana. No; we do not want sour apples, nor 
do the American people want that disposition that will make those 
apples sour whether sweet or not. 

What are the conditions to-day? Has the apple ripened, has it 
fallen, and is it ready to be taken up and put into the American 
basket? Tho American policy regarding Hawaii has always been 
that it shotild not be allowed to pass under the control of a foreign 
power, and that in good time it should become a part of American 
territory. 

The total population of the islands, according to the census of 

189G, is 109,030, distributed as follows: 

Native Hawaiians 31,000 

Japanese 24,400 

Portuguese 15,100 

Chinese ---. - "^-'^'j 

Part Hawaiian and part foreign blood 8,400 



Americans 



,000 



British 2,300 

German l'^'^* 

Norwegian and French - --- 4i9 

All other nationalities - 1,055 

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8 

The pi-oportion of the various kinds of i)opulation is as follows: 

Per cent 

Native Hawaiian 28 

Japanese _ 23 

Chinese , 21) 

Americans, and Europeans by birth or descent 2Z 

Mixed blood _ g 

Much has been said about the Chinese and Japanese portion of 
the population, but it seems to me that what has been stated on 
that subject as an argument against the annexation of Hawaii is 
strong argument in favor of this annexation. It does not follow 
because there is a large amount of cheap labor in Hawaii, repre- 
sented by the Japanese and Chinese, that its annexation to the 
United States will increase or continue this kind of labor upon 
the islands, or that any of this cheap labor will be transferred to 
any other United States territory. Upon the contrary, the policy 
of the United States is firmly fixed upon the question of cheap 
Mongolian labor. 

Untiler the new treaty with Japan, commencing with the year 
1899, the United States will have the right to control importation 
of cheap Japanese labor, and we have already solved the question, 
so far as the Chinese are concerned. It is evident, therefore, that 
by a strict enforcement of United States laws against Chinese and 
Japanese immigration into the Sandwich Islands it will be but a 
few years until the Japanese and Chinese population now in the 
islands will be decreased, and they will no longer be an import- 
ant factor upon the islands. 

Of the Portuguese population, about one-half have been born on 
the islands and have been educated in the English language under 
American influences, and by those who have visited the islands 
we are told that these people are very industrious and do not 
form an undesirable portion of the population. They readily 
acquire American habits, understand American institutions, and 
have availed themselves of the opportunities to educate their chil- 
dren in American schools. So strong has been the American 
influence in the islands that their schools have been patterned 
after the systems of the States, in which the English language is 
taught and learned by all. 

Americans in the islands own nearly all the property and have 
practically made them an American community. The population 

3467 



9 

is much more favorable to American institutions than was the 
population of Florida when it became a part of the United States 
territory, and when Louisiana was annexed to the United States 
her population was not nearly so suited for American citizenship 
as to-day are the people of the Islands of Hawaii. But we are 
told that these islands are so far from our shores that they can 
not be made a part of the country without requiring us to go to 
great exjoense in protecting them. 

Mr Speaker, distance is no longer measured by miles, but by the 
time required to travel it. Measured in this way, HaAvaii to-day 
is nearer to us than was California when we acquired that terri- 
tor 3% and much nearer than Alaska when Russia ceded it to us. It 
is only about six days' travel by ordinary steamer from our western 
coast, and nearly twice as far to the shores of any other nation. 
Hawaii is indeed geographically a part of the United States, Her 
position only about one-third of the way across the great Pacific 
makes her a natural outpost for our western coast. This was the 
controlling reason that has led all of our statesmen in recent years 
past to the one conclusion that no foreign nation should ever be 
allowed to occupy the Hawaiian Islands. 

From a military and naval point of view these islands are 
necessary to the j)rotection of our western coast. All of our mili- 
tary and naval authorities have uniformly advocated the acquisi- 
tion of these islands. A careful examination of their utterances 
from time to time will disclose that not a single one of them has 
ever held the view that the islands ought not to become a part of 
the United States. I shall not take up the time of the House in 
quoting from the various opinions of our naval and military men, 
but will content myself with calling attention to the opinions of 
General Schofield, as expressed in a letter written last January 
to Senator Morga>% upon this subject. It so clearly states the 
situation that I beg to read it all as a part of my remarks: 

St. Augustine, Fla., January 13, ISOS. 

My Deau Senator: In compliance with the request contained in your let- 
ter of January 9, 1 do not hesitate to write you without reserve in respect to 
my views upon the pending question of annexation of the Hawaiian Islands. 

From the time, twenty-five years ago, when I made a personal examination 

for the purpose of ascertaining the value of those islands to this country for 

military and naval purposes, I have always regarded ultimate annexation of 

the islaiads to this country as a public necessity. But the time when this 

34iJ7 



10 

slioiild be ac'comiiliahetl had to depend on natural political devoloiimont. In 
the meantime onr national interests should be secured by the exclusive right 
to occupy, imi^rove, and fortify Pearl River Harbor so as to insure our posses- 
sion of that hai'bor in time of war. 

To illustrate my views on this subject, I have likened that harbor to a com- 
manding position in front of a defensive line which an army in the field is 
compelled to occupy. The army must occupy that advanced position and 
hold it at whatever cost, or else tho enemy will occupy it with his artillery 
and thus dominate the main line. If wo do not occupy and fortify Pearl 
Kiver Harbor, our enemy will occupy it as a base from which to conduct 
operations against our Pacific coast and the isthmian canal, which must of 
course in due time be constructed and controlled by this country. The pos- 
session of such a base at a convenient distance from our Pacific coast would 
be a great temptation to an unfriendly nation to undertake hostile opera- 
tions against us. 

One of tho greatest advantages of Pearl River Harbor to us consists in tho 
fact that no navy would be required to defend it. It is a deep, land-locked 
arm of the sea, easily defended by fortifications placed near its mouth, with 
its anchorage beyond the reach of guns from tho ocean. Cruisers or other 
war ships which might be overpowered at sea, as well as merchant vessels, 
w<juld find there behind the land defenses absolute security against a naval 
attack. A moderate garrison of regular troops, with the militia on tho 
island, would give sufficient protection against any landing jiarties from a 
hostile fleet. Of cour.se an army on transports, supported by a powerful 
fleet, could land and capture the place, but that would bo an expensive op- 
eration, one much less likelj'^ to be undertaken than tho occupation of an 
imdofended harbor, as a necessary preliminarj' to an attack on our coast or 
upon our commerce. 

Tho value of such a place of refuge and of suv>plies for our merchant 
marine and our cruisers in time of war can hardly be overestimated, yet the 
greatest value to us of that wonderful harbor consists in the fact that its 
possession and adequate defense by us prevents the possibility of an enemy 
using it against us. 

So far as I know, tho leading .statesmen, no leas than the military and 
naval authorities of this country, have always been in accord on this subject. 
While it has not been proposed to interfere with the continued occupation 
by foreign nations of their military strongholds in this hemisphere, it has 
been publicly and emphatically declared that none of those strongholds shall 
ever be allowed to pass into the possession of any other nation whoso inter- 
ests might bo antagonistic to ours. Now for tlio first time the occasion 
has arisen to carry into effect our long-declared national policy. A little 
State like Hawaii can not stand alone among tho great nations, all of whom 
covet her incomparable harbor. She must have tho protection of this coun- 
try or some other great nation. But a protectorate without sovereignty is 
the last thing this country could afford to assume. In tho absence of aiithor- 
ity to regulate and control the intercourse between tho islands and other 
countries controversies must arise which would lead to war or to the loss of 
our invaluable military pos.session in the islands. No halfway measures will 
suflice. Wo must accept tho islands and hold and govern them or else lot 
some other great nation do it. To fail now to carry into effect our own gi-eat 
national policy upon tho first occasion offered to us would, in my judgment, 
be ono of those blunders which are worse than crimes. 

To my mind what may be regarded perhaps as tho sentimental aspect of 
tho question is entitled to consideration. A colony of intelligent, virtuous, 
and patriotic Americans have rescued a country from barbarism and raised 
it to a high state of civilization and prosjicrity, until in the natural course of 



d 



11 

events the government of that country has fallen entirely into their hands. 
They now ask the privilege of adding that country to their own native land, 
of returning with their new possessions to the parental fold. Can they bo 
turned away to seek a home among strangers? Not without violating one of 
the most sacred laws of nature and incurring the penalty which must, sooner 
or later, necessarily follow. 

I am, dear Senator, with great respect, sincerely yours, 

J. M. SCHOFIELD. 
nou. John T. Morg.\n, 

United States Senate, 'Washington, D. C. 

can add nothing to the convincing argument presented in this 
letter. 

Criticism has been offered from time to time in this debate to 
the effect that this is an attempt to annex the Hawaiian Islands 
under the pretense of a war measure. Mr. Speaker, the passage 
of these resolutions is not a war measure. As I have already 
shown, for moi'c than half a century this nation has held that we 
are more interested in the Hawaiian Islands than any other nation, 
that they must vilthnately become a part of the United States. 

Twenty-five years ago General Schofield examined the islands 
with a view to determine their usefulness from a naval and mili- 
tary point of view. Three times treaties have been negotiated for 
the annexation of the islands, first in 1854, next in 1893, and last 
in 1897. At the time each of these three treaties was negotiated 
no idea of the war with Spain entered into the minds of the con- 
tracting parties. Mr. Speaker, the only bearing which the present 
war has upon the question is that it is like a great searchlight 
which has been turned upon the question and brought it more 
clearly to the attention of the American people. 

As soon as it was understood that Admiral Dewey was to at- 
tack the Spanish fleet at Manila every American could but ask 
the question: "How can we sticcor him in case of defeat, or how 
can we reenforce him in the event of victory? " Anticipating the 
needs of the hour, the Government of the United States piled up 
coal at Honolulu for the use of our vessels, and to-day, when we 
are sending reenforcements to Dewey, not one of our vessels could 
sail from San Francisco to Manila without stopping at Honolulu 
to take on additional coal. Suppose, Mr. Speaker, that to-day 
Hawaii were hostile to us, or even neutral, with no right within 
her harbors, how could we succor our brave seamen in Manila 
Bay? 



12 

But we are told that Pearl Harbor Jiow b3longs to this nation 
and that there is nothing else on the island that we need for naval 
purposes. Without stopping to discuss this question, I beg to call 
attention to one controlling fact so clearly set forth in the testi- 
mony of General Schofield when he appeared before our Commit- 
tee on Foreign Affairs, and that is that even if we had Pearl 
Harbor, in case of hostilities, with the Government of the islands 
unfriendly, it would be easy to land a military force and capture 
the harbor from within; but if the islands ai'e in our possession, 
a small force of soldiers in addition to the fortifications at the 
mouth of the harbor would enable us to hold it against allcomers. 

Pearl Harbor, landlocked as it is, fortified at its entrance and 
lirotected by our possession of the islands themselves, would give 
to our Navy, in time of war, absolute security from a navy even 
of superior strength. Looking at it from the enemy's point of 
view, the islands are of much greater importance to us. As ships 
are now constructed, no nation from the East can send its ships 
across the Pacific and attack our western coast without having a 
base of supplies and a place from which to operate nearer to our 
shores. With Hawaii in our possession and well fortified, the 
navy of a possible Eastern foe would be practically powerless to 
make a successful attack upon our western coast. 

The minority of the committee in the resolutions which they 
present practically concede that it is necessary that no foreign 
power should gain control of the Islands of Hawaii, but in the 
place of annexation they recommend a resolution declaring that 
the islands shall remain a separate power. Mr. Speaker, the time 
for such declarations as this is past. The question that confronts 
the American people to-day is a plain, simple one. If Hawaii is 
ever to be annexed to the United States, it must be done now; 
otherwise it is sure to pass under the control of the Japanese. 
To-day nothing prevents this but the fact that the Government 
of Hawaii has announced its desire and intention to have the 
islands annexed to the United States. 

If annexed, the United States will settle all questions raised by 
them, and there need be no fear of the result. Refuse to annex 
them, and the weak little Republic of Hawaii can not hope to stand 
out against the demands of Japan that her people shall become 



13 

citizens and have a right to vote. Once given the right to vote, it 
does not take a prophet to tell what will be the result. Already 
there are nearly 25,000 Japanese in the islands. Nearly all of 
these are men, strong, courageous, as loyal to their nationality as 
Americans are to theirs. What good, Mr. Speaker, would come 
of a resolution passed by Congress to the effect that the Hawaiian 
Government should remain a separate pov^er, if that Government 
passed entirely under the control of Japanese citizens? It might 
remain an independent Government, and yet, being controlled by 
the Japanese, would, for all purposes, be a part of the Japanese 
Empire. 

Suppose that to-day, instead of being controlled by Americans, 
with American institutions and American inclinations, the islands 
were in the hands of the Japanese, and the Japanese were un- 
friendly to us in the war with Spain, how, under such circum- 
stances—tell me, if you can— would we send ships with troops and 
supplies to aid Dewey in the far-off waters of Manila Bay? Nor 
is it an improbability, much less an impossibility, that the future 
may bring about such complications as will cause a war between 
this countiy and Japan herself. In case of such a war, will any 
one for a moment contend that it would be better for the Japa- 
nese to have control of the islands than for them to be a part of 
American territory? From such a base of operations, Japan 
would be so strong in naval warfare against us that our western 
coast would be at her mercy. 

Mr. Speaker, I have not taken occasion to discuss the question 
raised that we have no constitutional right to annex these islands, 
nor will I take up the time of the House in discussing it. It must 
be perfectly evident to anyone that the right to extend its terri- 
tory is inherent in any nation, and that it requires no special pro- 
vision of the Constitution to enable us to annex additional terri- 
tory. It is true this constitutional question has been raised over 
and over again in years past, and it is now gravely asserted in 
this debate that the annexation would be unconstitutional, but it 
is nevertheless no longer an open question. 

Five times before this the question has been before the Ameri- 
can people for decision; five times they have decided in favor of 
the right to annex territory, and five times have they extended 

3467 



14 

tlio ljouudarit'3 of the Uuitcd States. It is too late for anyone to 
take an appeal from these decisions; they are settled law, and the 
question can no longer be raised. A discussion of the question at 
this time and hereafter may be interesting from a historical point 
of view, but it can not now be made nor will it ever again become 
a practical, living question before the American people. 

Mr. Speaker, 3,100 miles out in the Pacific Ocean, to the west of 
San Francisco, lies this group of islands, so beautiful and so at- 
tractive that they have been properly designated the "pearls of 
the Pacific." Lying beneath the tropical sun, yet surrounded by 
ocean currents which bring the cool waters of the Northvv-est 
about them, rendering the climate so pleasant that it is not injuri- 
ous to anyone and is admired by all; with soil productive far be- 
yond the conception of our own people; with beautiful lakes and 
sparkling rivers, and with everything that goes to make them an 
earthly paradise, is it any wonder that these islands proved so at- 
tractive to Americans that they made them their home, and that 
they are now anxious that they should become a part of their 
native land? 

Small though the American population is, yet strong and dom- 
inant, the islands are now practically within their control. With 
Americans owning a large portion of the property and leading in 
all matters of biisiuess and enterprise, it was but natural that the 
profligate monarchy should be followed by a republican govern- 
ment in the hands of the Americans upon the islands. Long 
years ago their influences were asserted under the old monarchies, 
and for decades of the past their power has been felt in everything 
that has been done upon the islands. American schools were es- 
tablished and have flourished, until to-day the schools of the 
island are as well managed and as prosperous as in any American 
community, and compare favorably with those of the grand old 
State of Pennsylvania, represented by my venerable friend [Mr. 
Grow], 

Mr. Speaker, this gallant baud of Americans who have thus 
gained control of these islands come to lis now and make us a 
free offering of them as a part of our national domain. True 
Americans at heart, they have declined to declare the neutrality 
of the islands during our war with Spain, and to-day our Ameri- 

ol07 



15 

can ships eutor the harbor of Honolulu with the same freedom 
and with the same feeling of security as they could any harbor 
under the domination of our own Government. The request of 
these brave men must not be turned aside. 

We want these islands because of their value from a naval and 
military point of view; we want them on account of the rich pro- 
ductiveness of the soil; we want them on account of the commer- 
cial advantages which they will bring to our country; wo want 
them in order that no foreign power may use them as a base of 
operations against us in time of war; we want them because they 
are more contiguous to our territory than to that of any other 
nation; we want them because thej'- are geographically a part of 
the United States; but, Mr. Speaker, we want them more than all 
on account of the true Americans who have made their homes 
upon the islands and now seek to present these islands as a free 
offering to their mother country. Let us pass these resolutions, 
secure Hawaii, add to our naval and military strength, extend 
our commerce, and bring back again into the family fold the peo- 
ple who have been away from us establishing a home in these 

delightful islands. 

^3407 



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